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<ArticleSet>
<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University Tehran</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Language Research</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-9289</Issn>
				<Volume>5</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Functional or Lexical: A Load-Continuum Analysis of Prepositions in Persian</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Functional or Lexical: A Load-Continuum Analysis of Prepositions in Persian</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>20</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">54182</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jolr.2015.54182</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zahra</FirstName>
					<LastName>Abolhassani Chimeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Research Center, SAMT</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>26</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;With the emphasis of Minimalist program on functional categories as having an equal&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;or more prominent status than &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;lexical ones, decision on the nature of the categories has attracted more investigations in recent studies. One of the basic categories the presence of which beside other lexical categories of verb, noun and adjective has been in question, is Preposition. It seems that the functional behavior of this category has cast doubt on its lexical nature. In this paper, using some criteria to diagnose the type of the category, it was found that, while prepositions in Persian are rich in both areas, their lexical nature cannot be ignored and they are correctly placed beside lexical categories. However, it is claimed, not all the items in this category behave in the same way: some have more functional and some more lexical load. In this regard, a continuumis proposed in which the short, old prepositions are placed at one end, and locative prepositions at the other end, still other prepositions in between. It is concluded that taking a fuzzy approach and leaving clear cut borders of functional or lexical categories, leads to the settlement of the debate.&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;With the emphasis of Minimalist program on functional categories as having an equal&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;or more prominent status than &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;lexical ones, decision on the nature of the categories has attracted more investigations in recent studies. One of the basic categories the presence of which beside other lexical categories of verb, noun and adjective has been in question, is Preposition. It seems that the functional behavior of this category has cast doubt on its lexical nature. In this paper, using some criteria to diagnose the type of the category, it was found that, while prepositions in Persian are rich in both areas, their lexical nature cannot be ignored and they are correctly placed beside lexical categories. However, it is claimed, not all the items in this category behave in the same way: some have more functional and some more lexical load. In this regard, a continuumis proposed in which the short, old prepositions are placed at one end, and locative prepositions at the other end, still other prepositions in between. It is concluded that taking a fuzzy approach and leaving clear cut borders of functional or lexical categories, leads to the settlement of the debate.&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Preposition</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Functional</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">lexical</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">continuum</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">load</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jolr.ut.ac.ir/article_54182_a8d80319b974e396e3c52ce3a1f93966.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University Tehran</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Language Research</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-9289</Issn>
				<Volume>5</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Role and Reference Grammar Analysis of Relative Clauses in Farsi</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>A Role and Reference Grammar Analysis of Relative Clauses in Farsi</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>21</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>41</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">54183</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jolr.2015.54183</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Farideh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Haghbin</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor of Linguistics department Alzahra University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Homa</FirstName>
					<LastName>Asadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. Candidate of Linguistics, Alzahra University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>12</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;In this paper, we examine the treatment of Persian relative clauses in role and reference grammar. RRG is a structural-functional theory which has studied the syntax-semantics-pragmatics interface in human language systems. The main objectives of this article, on the one hand, are to elucidate syntactic, semantic and pragmatic properties of Farsi relative clauses, and on the other hand, to assess this theory in analyzing Farsi relative clauses. Modern Farsi written sentences were selected for analysis. The results show that restrictive clauses in Farsi are peripheral i.e. modifiers of the nominal and occur at the nuclear level. On the other hand, non-restrictive clauses are adjuncts at the NP rather than the nuclear&lt;/span&gt;&lt;sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small;&quot;&gt;N&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; level. Like adjectives, relative clauses express attributes of the head noun and accordingly the semantic representation of the relative clause is represented as filling the same slot in an attributive predication that an adjective does. In terms of focus structure, relative clauses could be considered as an information unit. Hence, they can occur in actual focus domain. Moreover, relative clauses could be a presupposed element while they can present contrasts and focus to the interlocutor.&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;In this paper, we examine the treatment of Persian relative clauses in role and reference grammar. RRG is a structural-functional theory which has studied the syntax-semantics-pragmatics interface in human language systems. The main objectives of this article, on the one hand, are to elucidate syntactic, semantic and pragmatic properties of Farsi relative clauses, and on the other hand, to assess this theory in analyzing Farsi relative clauses. Modern Farsi written sentences were selected for analysis. The results show that restrictive clauses in Farsi are peripheral i.e. modifiers of the nominal and occur at the nuclear level. On the other hand, non-restrictive clauses are adjuncts at the NP rather than the nuclear&lt;/span&gt;&lt;sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small;&quot;&gt;N&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; level. Like adjectives, relative clauses express attributes of the head noun and accordingly the semantic representation of the relative clause is represented as filling the same slot in an attributive predication that an adjective does. In terms of focus structure, relative clauses could be considered as an information unit. Hence, they can occur in actual focus domain. Moreover, relative clauses could be a presupposed element while they can present contrasts and focus to the interlocutor.&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">: role and reference grammar</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">relative clause</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">syntactic projection</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">semantic projection</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">operator projection</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">focus structure</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">linking</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jolr.ut.ac.ir/article_54183_836e57bfd9c5b8cf047c5c2b0ad555e6.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University Tehran</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Language Research</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-9289</Issn>
				<Volume>5</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Analysis of Azari-Turkish Wh-Words in Minimalism</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Analysis of Azari-Turkish Wh-Words in Minimalism</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>41</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>56</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">54184</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jolr.2015.54184</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abdolhosein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Heidari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Invited Professor Department of Linguistics, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Saeed Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Razinejad</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Linguistics, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>11</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;color: black; font-family: &#039;Times New Roman&#039;,&#039;serif&#039;; mso-bidi-font-family: Nazanin;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;The present study investigates Azari-Turkish wh-words within the framework of minimalism. The analysis of wh-in-situ data shows that [+Q] &amp;ki/kïparticle are syntactically in complementary distribution in Azari-Turkish. When a wh-word is bound by [+Q] in C-position, it is interpreted as interrogative element. If, on the other hand, the wh-word is bound by ki/kïparticle which appears in C-position, it is assigned only non-interrogative reading. The non-subject wh-words are scrambled to clause initial position in Azari-Turkish. They are scrambled to [Spec, Foc P] &amp; [Spec, Top P] to satisfy focus and topic features. The scrambling is A’-movement, because it is a movement to non-argument position. The findings of the present study are in contrast to those of previous studies which assume C-position for null Q-operator &amp; [Spec, TP] for scrambled wh-words.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;color: black; font-family: &#039;Times New Roman&#039;,&#039;serif&#039;; mso-bidi-font-family: Nazanin;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;The present study investigates Azari-Turkish wh-words within the framework of minimalism. The analysis of wh-in-situ data shows that [+Q] &amp;ki/kïparticle are syntactically in complementary distribution in Azari-Turkish. When a wh-word is bound by [+Q] in C-position, it is interpreted as interrogative element. If, on the other hand, the wh-word is bound by ki/kïparticle which appears in C-position, it is assigned only non-interrogative reading. The non-subject wh-words are scrambled to clause initial position in Azari-Turkish. They are scrambled to [Spec, Foc P] &amp; [Spec, Top P] to satisfy focus and topic features. The scrambling is A’-movement, because it is a movement to non-argument position. The findings of the present study are in contrast to those of previous studies which assume C-position for null Q-operator &amp; [Spec, TP] for scrambled wh-words.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">wh-in-situ</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">scrambled wh-word</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Minimalism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Azari-Turkish</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jolr.ut.ac.ir/article_54184_c4bc08d0d78a05a98275ac66d0ba0ed6.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University Tehran</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Language Research</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-9289</Issn>
				<Volume>5</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Phrase Accent in Persian Intonational Phonology</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Phrase Accent in Persian Intonational Phonology</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>57</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>76</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">54185</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jolr.2015.54185</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Vahid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sadeghi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Linguistics, Imam Khomeini International University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>16</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;This article addresses the phonetic and phonological representation of H- phrase accent in the tonal structure of Persian pre-nuclear accents. In an experimental study, three groups of pre-nuclear accentual phrases, namely, phrases with antepenultimate, penultimate and final stress pattern, were selected for tonal examination. Materials were designed so as to yield under-pressure and pressure free prosodic environments. The sentences were then read by four speakers of standard Persian. Results revealed some&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;evidence for the presence of&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;phrase accent as a part of the tonal structure of all groups, except for oxytones in which there is not sufficient segmental space for the realization of the H- phrase tone. Thus, we may transcribe pre-nuclear accents in Persia as a sequence of an L+H* pitch accent and a H- phrase accent: &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;L+H*H, whereby &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;L+H* is associated with the stressed syllable and the H- is spread as a plateau from the accented syllable to the end of the accentual phrase. The observations further revealed that the H- plateau is realized in different ways depending on the stress pattern of the accentual phrase. The H- plateau can best be explained using the tone copy analysis which assumes that a plateau results from copying a phrase accent from the boundary to units which do not bear tones such as final syllables.&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;This article addresses the phonetic and phonological representation of H- phrase accent in the tonal structure of Persian pre-nuclear accents. In an experimental study, three groups of pre-nuclear accentual phrases, namely, phrases with antepenultimate, penultimate and final stress pattern, were selected for tonal examination. Materials were designed so as to yield under-pressure and pressure free prosodic environments. The sentences were then read by four speakers of standard Persian. Results revealed some&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;evidence for the presence of&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;phrase accent as a part of the tonal structure of all groups, except for oxytones in which there is not sufficient segmental space for the realization of the H- phrase tone. Thus, we may transcribe pre-nuclear accents in Persia as a sequence of an L+H* pitch accent and a H- phrase accent: &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;L+H*H, whereby &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;L+H* is associated with the stressed syllable and the H- is spread as a plateau from the accented syllable to the end of the accentual phrase. The observations further revealed that the H- plateau is realized in different ways depending on the stress pattern of the accentual phrase. The H- plateau can best be explained using the tone copy analysis which assumes that a plateau results from copying a phrase accent from the boundary to units which do not bear tones such as final syllables.&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">tonal structure</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">boundary tone</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">plateau</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">pitch accent</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">tone copy</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jolr.ut.ac.ir/article_54185_f3471381023bffcedcc4a13565e325c6.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University Tehran</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Language Research</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-9289</Issn>
				<Volume>5</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Metaphor; A Survey on the Factors Related to Semantic Comprehension; their Effectiveness and Psychological Reliability</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Metaphor; A Survey on the Factors Related to Semantic Comprehension; their Effectiveness and Psychological Reliability</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>77</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>96</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">54186</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jolr.2015.54186</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Leila</FirstName>
					<LastName>Erfaniyan Qonsoli</LastName>
<Affiliation>Linguistics PH.D, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad &amp; Faculty Member, Binaloud Institute of Higher Education</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Shahla</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sharifi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor in Ferdowsi University of Mashad</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>09</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>T&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;he present study is a randomized pilot project that intends to test the Graded Salience Hypothesis (Giora, 1997), to investigate the major factors contributing to understanding meaning. According to Graded Salience Hypothesis, more salient meanings–coded meanings foremost on our mind due to conventionality, frequency, familiarity, or prototypicality–are accessed faster than and reach sufficient levels of activation before less salient ones. Even rich and&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;supportive contexts which&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;are biased&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;in&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;favor of less salient meanings do&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;not&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;inhibit&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;activation&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;of&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;salient&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;meanings. This research addressed predictions derived from this model by examining the salience of metaphor in Persian language. The primary dependent measure was RTs, and the design of this experiment was a combination of 2 Contexts (figurative, literal), 2 Types of Statements (familiar vs. unfamiliar vs. less familiar) and RTs (long, short, equal). Two types of contexts (figurative inviting and literal inviting contexts) were prepared. The software used in this experiment was designed for self-paced reading experiments. Reading latencies could be recorded with millisecond accuracy via this software. Results did not &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;lend support to the Graded Salience Hypothesis entirely. This result shows that main hypothesis isn&#039;t approved. These results show that contrary to the Graded Salience Hypothesis, context and salience do not &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;run in parallel, but sometimes context obstructs access to salient information and a semi serial process is expected. Also the results indicated that the salient meaning in both familiar and less familiar figurative expressions is mostly figurative meaning. Also salient meaning in unfamiliar metaphors is first figurative meaning, but after the passage of time, literal meaning is activated.&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">T&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;he present study is a randomized pilot project that intends to test the Graded Salience Hypothesis (Giora, 1997), to investigate the major factors contributing to understanding meaning. According to Graded Salience Hypothesis, more salient meanings–coded meanings foremost on our mind due to conventionality, frequency, familiarity, or prototypicality–are accessed faster than and reach sufficient levels of activation before less salient ones. Even rich and&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;supportive contexts which&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;are biased&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;in&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;favor of less salient meanings do&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;not&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;inhibit&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;activation&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;of&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;salient&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;  &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;meanings. This research addressed predictions derived from this model by examining the salience of metaphor in Persian language. The primary dependent measure was RTs, and the design of this experiment was a combination of 2 Contexts (figurative, literal), 2 Types of Statements (familiar vs. unfamiliar vs. less familiar) and RTs (long, short, equal). Two types of contexts (figurative inviting and literal inviting contexts) were prepared. The software used in this experiment was designed for self-paced reading experiments. Reading latencies could be recorded with millisecond accuracy via this software. Results did not &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;lend support to the Graded Salience Hypothesis entirely. This result shows that main hypothesis isn&#039;t approved. These results show that contrary to the Graded Salience Hypothesis, context and salience do not &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;run in parallel, but sometimes context obstructs access to salient information and a semi serial process is expected. Also the results indicated that the salient meaning in both familiar and less familiar figurative expressions is mostly figurative meaning. Also salient meaning in unfamiliar metaphors is first figurative meaning, but after the passage of time, literal meaning is activated.&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Cognitive linguistics</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">figurative language</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Graded Salience Hypothesis</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Metaphor</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jolr.ut.ac.ir/article_54186_823432800b28eec763af6cd4c18a4e8e.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University Tehran</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Language Research</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-9289</Issn>
				<Volume>5</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>On the Syntactic Analysis of Persian Modals: Šâyad ‘Perhaps’ and Bâyad ‘Must’</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>On the Syntactic Analysis of Persian Modals: Šâyad ‘Perhaps’ and Bâyad ‘Must’</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>97</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>112</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">54187</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jolr.2015.54187</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zahra</FirstName>
					<LastName>Labbafan Khosh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Linguistics, Tehran University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Darzi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor of Linguistics Department Tehran University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;color: black; font-family: &#039;Times New Roman&#039;,&#039;serif&#039;; mso-bidi-font-family: &#039;B Nazanin&#039;;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;The present paper sets out to investigate the syntactic category of Persian modals, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;šâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; ‘perhaps’ and &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;bâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; ‘must’. The syntactic category of the two modal elements has been viewed differently by different scholars. A number of scholars argue that both&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; šâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; and &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;bâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; are modal auxiliaries, while others claim that they both are modal adverbs. We propose that&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; šâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; is a modal adverb and&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; bâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; is a modal auxiliary. This distinction is shown to follow the adverbial treatment along the lines of Cinque (1999, 2004). Under his approach, we propose that&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; šâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; is located in the specifier position of ModP&lt;/span&gt;&lt;sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small;&quot;&gt;epistemic&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; and&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; bâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; is located in the head position of ModP&lt;/span&gt;&lt;sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small;&quot;&gt;root&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;color: black; font-family: &#039;Times New Roman&#039;,&#039;serif&#039;; mso-bidi-font-family: &#039;B Nazanin&#039;;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;The present paper sets out to investigate the syntactic category of Persian modals, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;šâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; ‘perhaps’ and &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;bâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; ‘must’. The syntactic category of the two modal elements has been viewed differently by different scholars. A number of scholars argue that both&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; šâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; and &lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;bâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; are modal auxiliaries, while others claim that they both are modal adverbs. We propose that&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; šâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; is a modal adverb and&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; bâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; is a modal auxiliary. This distinction is shown to follow the adverbial treatment along the lines of Cinque (1999, 2004). Under his approach, we propose that&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; šâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; is located in the specifier position of ModP&lt;/span&gt;&lt;sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small;&quot;&gt;epistemic&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; and&lt;/span&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; bâyad&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt; is located in the head position of ModP&lt;/span&gt;&lt;sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small;&quot;&gt;root&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/sub&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: medium;&quot;&gt;.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">bâyad</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Modals</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">ModPepistemic</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">ModProot</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">šâyad</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Specifier</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jolr.ut.ac.ir/article_54187_020f520ff44cc2b52da193e5ed2c656b.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University Tehran</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Language Research</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2251-9289</Issn>
				<Volume>5</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2015</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Marked Ergative Constructions in Hawrami:
The Opposition of Two Minimalist Approaches</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Marked Ergative Constructions in Hawrami:
The Opposition of Two Minimalist Approaches</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>113</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>132</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">54188</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jolr.2015.54188</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zaniar</FirstName>
					<LastName>Naghshbandi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. Candidate of General Linguistics, Bu-Ali University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2014</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;color: black; line-height: 115%; font-family: &#039;Times New Roman&#039;,&#039;serif&#039;; font-size: 11pt; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: &#039;B Nazanin&#039;; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;&quot;&gt;The present paper seeks to present a minimalist account for the derivational process of marked ergative constructions in Hawrami in terms of Phase Theory (Chomsky 2000, 2001, 2004; Radford 2009; Citko2014). This phase-based approach is compared to the former feature-based approach advocated by Karimi Doustan and Naghshbandi (2011). It is argued that using Phase Theory and its related mechanisms and conditions like Phase Impenetrability Condition on the one hand and ignoring Split Cp Hypothesis (Haegeman and Gueron 1999) and the related Focus and Topic projections on the other hand would end up in a more optimal and economic explanation. From a macro theoretical viewpoint the results of this paper lend more empirical support to effects of Phase Theory on generating more optimal explanations in the framework of Minimalist Program&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;color: black; line-height: 115%; font-family: &#039;Times New Roman&#039;,&#039;serif&#039;; font-size: 11pt; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: &#039;B Nazanin&#039;; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;&quot;&gt;The present paper seeks to present a minimalist account for the derivational process of marked ergative constructions in Hawrami in terms of Phase Theory (Chomsky 2000, 2001, 2004; Radford 2009; Citko2014). This phase-based approach is compared to the former feature-based approach advocated by Karimi Doustan and Naghshbandi (2011). It is argued that using Phase Theory and its related mechanisms and conditions like Phase Impenetrability Condition on the one hand and ignoring Split Cp Hypothesis (Haegeman and Gueron 1999) and the related Focus and Topic projections on the other hand would end up in a more optimal and economic explanation. From a macro theoretical viewpoint the results of this paper lend more empirical support to effects of Phase Theory on generating more optimal explanations in the framework of Minimalist Program&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Hawrami</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Marked Ergative constructions</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Split Cp Hypothesis</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Phase Theory</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Phase Impenetrability Condition</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jolr.ut.ac.ir/article_54188_c5d34e988da8af14d116c4930ad37164.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
