Document Type : Research Paper

Author

• Mazdak Anushe

Abstract

Clausal negation and post-syntactic ellipsis have been extensively investigated within the Generative framework, and Persian linguists have offered detailed analyses of both phenomena. The present study, however, examines a specific type of negation that has thus far remained largely unaddressed in the syntactic literature on Persian. Rather than employing the verbal negative prefix, this construction makes use of an independent negative particle to reverse the truth value of a proposition. This syntactic configuration, called discontinuous negation, is realized by the bipartite marker na … na (‘neither … nor’) and licenses the ellipsis of parallel constituents and heads in coordinate structures. Focusing on this construction and drawing a principled distinction between sentential negation and constituent negation, I first demonstrate that the head of Negation Phrase (NegP) in Persian, merged above TP, hosts the verbal negative prefix. I then argue, following Hedde Zeijlstra (2015, 2022), that the negative particle na is phrasal in nature: it constitutes an independent syntactic element realized in the specifier of NegP and is capable of negating a clause either on its own or in combination with its counterpart. Building on these assumptions, I analyze coordinate structures with a shared subject that occur in discontinuous negation contexts and exhibit deletion of part of the first or second conjunct. I identify four distinct syntactic patterns—distinct from canonical gapping constructions—in which the verb or its dependents are deleted from either conjunct. I show that in cases where the verb lacks the negative prefix, the derivation involves either TP-ellipsis or VP-ellipsis. By contrast, in constructions where the verb bears negation in the presence of the discontinuous na … na marker, the relevant phenomenon is best analyzed as constituent negation rather than clausal negation. Moreover, drawing on both empirical evidence and theoretical considerations, I argue that in the constructions under discussion, an Across-the-Board (ATB) movement mechanism forces identical subjects to raise to a single structural position. This movement leaves behind a gap in the structure that, at the level of surface representation, gives the appearance of identity-based ellipsis.

Keywords

• Negation Phrase
• Negative particle
• Ellipsis
• Coordination
• Head Movement
• Across-the-Board Movement

Main Subjects

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